Hit Parade on Campaign Finance Reform
Updated if additonal items are written on this topic.
CBS News got even more overexcited than usual reporting on yesterday's Supreme
Court campaign finance decision. Dan Rather used it as his lead item, opening the news
with this sentence:
A big boost for campaign finance reform -- a U.S. Supreme Court decision puts
pressure on Congress to act on John McCain's call for change, opposed by President Bush.
It doesn't get much more propagandish than that. As today's shockingly fair coverage in
the NYT
and WaPo more
accurately suggests, the M-F forces mainly avoided the disaster that would
have befallen them had the
court ruled the other way -- and allowed
unlimited hard money contributions from parties to candidates.
(One big problem: Democrats might then have abandoned M-F, worried that they'd be hurt
if they couldn't raise
soft money, where they have parity with the GOP, while at
the same time hard money, a GOP specialty, became more significant.) ...
It's especially not true that the ruling means that M-F is constitutional. What
the Court upheld
was a set of restrictions on
party spending that is "coordinated" with candidates. But, as Juliet
Eilperin's WaPo piece notes, the Court also apparently reaffirmed
its decision voiding limits on
independent, uncoordinated expenditures. M-F, as passed by the Senate, would
restrict independent expenditures--so this decision
hardly assures the constitutionality of those
restrictions. Quite the opposite. ... There's also that phrase shoehorned into
Rather's comically Homeric lead sentence about McCain's reform being "opposed by President Bush." That's more
than a little unfair, given that Bush has pointedly backed off and said he might well
sign a campaign finance bill. ... If I were running the Bush White House, I might
try to get Rather to eat those words. Why not? He hates
Bush anyway. What's he going
to do -- slant the news? ...
(6/26)
Mort Kondracke has a good idea for improving McCain-Feingold so
it doesn't drain the parties of the power that comes with campaign cash: Why not have a
separate "hard money" limit
for contributions to parties, so an individual who has already
given the maximum (say $35,000) to various candidates could
also give $10,000 to his or her party? ... In general, McCain-Feingold defenders argue that
parties were doing perfectly
well before they started getting big soft money contributions. That's not my impression. I remember the pre-"soft" era
as a time when I read,
wrote or edited what seemed like about 107
articles lamenting the rise of
single-issue political action committees (PACs) and the decline of parties. These
articles usually had titles like "PACs Americana," and usually made the point -- valid then, valid now -- that unlike PACs,
parties at least have the goal of getting 51% of the voters to agree on something. ... Parties, unlike
PACs, are also a mechanism of accountability. If you
get mad at how the Democrats act in office, you know what to do. But how
do you get back at a PAC? ...
(4/6)
Zero: The Logic of Political Destiny:
Both Democrats and Republicans seem to be boasting in public that the McCain-Feingold reform will
hurt them, and worrying in private that they may be telling the truth. Democratic leader Daschle is said to secretly oppose the bill
because he fears its effect on his party. Republican leader Tom DeLay is said to
oppose the bill because he fears
its effect on his party. This item is just a reminder that they can't both be
right. Control of Congress, and of the White House, are each zero-sum games,
which it is logically impossible for
both parties to win. A gain for one is a setback for the other.
Similarly, it's impossible for "both parties to lose" under the bill, since one
party's loss is the other's gain. So somebody's calculations are
wrong. ... Kausfiles' best guess: The
Republicans are right that the bill will hurt them. Sure, the
Dems recently achieved parity in to-be-banned soft money -- but, as E.J. Dionne notes, that was when they controlled the White House and
corporations had to pay them off. Now
they don't control nothin'. Plus, the bill doubles the limit on
individual contributions -- which will mean dollars for Democrats once Terry
McAuliffe taps the millions of networking
yuppies in the culturally-liberal suburbs. (This is what's now called "grass roots organizing.") The lesson of the 2000 election, remember, was the urban/rural split of the electoral along
cultural lines. So who do you think the $2,000 donors are -- "slicks" or "hicks"? The answer
is obvious. ... It's of course
possible for incumbents of both parties to strike a deal that benefits all incumbents at the
expense of all challengers. That's a win-win deal for individual incumbents, and it's probably the
main reason any legislation will pass this year at all, given the near 50-50 split. It's also
what seems to have happened with McCain-Feingold, which was arguably a pro-incumbent bill to begin with, but which
became more so as it was amended. ...
(4/3)
N.Y. Post's entertaining-but-usually-wrong Dick Morris delivers again, this time arguing that Sen. Tom
Daschle "is working diligently behind the scenes to kill the McCain-Feingold bill." Does Morris offer
any evidence that this is true? Take a guess. ...
(4/3)
Howard
Kurtz and Ron Brownstein are right, of course, when they argue that
the media's obvious general bias in favor of campaign finance reform stems primarily
from an idealistic disgust with "soft money" and its attendant corruption, and secondarily
from the press' fondness for "follow the money" scandal stories. I wouldn't discount the
McCain Ratings Factor, though
... Kurtz might also have added that, because of the strictures of conventional
"objective" journalism, mainstream reporters may be not entirely uncomfortable with a system that reserves its toughest regulations for "express
advocacy" or anything that approaches it. Electioneering isn't "objective," after all. Which
is one way a subtle-self-serving
element -- "Free
speech is for guys like us! We have to live with anti-advocacy rules, why not them?" --
creeps into the press' earnest idealism. ... P.S.: Kurtz is currently
preparing a profile of my fellow me-ziner Andrew
Sullivan. ... I've been
meaning for some time to express my tremendous admiration for Kurtz and his industrious
work-habits. ...
(4/2)
The McCain Memorial Web Content Revenue Model: WaPo's Marcus and Eilperin argue
that the effect of McCain-Feingold, even with its
restrictions on independent ads, will be -- as its foes claim -- to
shift money and power away from the parties and
toward the independent players. ... Meanwhile, Michael Barone e-mails kausfiles to suggest another
possibility -- money might start flowing through the "media" loophole. Suppose some rich Republican
activists decide to
publish a little community newspaper in swing districts, complete with ads, movie listings,
and of course vigorous editorial
denunciations of the Democratic slate. As noted by Michael Kinsley, expenditures for a "news story, commentary, or
editorial" in a "newspaper, magazine, or other periodical publication"
don't even count as regulated "expenditures" under the campaign
finance laws. So why wouldn't our hypothetical
Conservative Swing District Gazette qualify as a "periodical
publication" exempt
from disclosure and fundraising requirements?
Because it was controlled by Repubicans? So are lots of newspapers. Because
it loses money? So do the
New Yorker and Weekly Standard. Because its owner is committed
to the election of a particular candidate?
Tell it to Martin Peretz! ... Put another way, why isn't kausfiles a "periodical publication" exempt from
the campaign-finance laws? Why couldn't monied partisans funnel their
illicit electioneering cash through ... me! Attention, fatcats: Just click on the Amazon paybox to the
right! ... [No offense, but if a pissant operation like kausfiles qualifies
as "media," what doesn't?--ed. Exactly!]
(4/1)
Speech for Pinch. All Others Report to F.E.C.:
Let the record show that on 3/30 the New York Times, self-proclaimed "vigilant" defender of the
First Amendment (but not the Frist Amendment!), endorsed "stringent fund-raising curbs on independent
advocacy groups for so-called issue ads that mention the names of candidates and are broadcast two months
before an election." ...
(3/31)
It's a Double Standard, I Tell You! On Friday,
PBS NewsHour host and CW embodiment Jim Lehrer played
the clip of Sen. McConnell calling McCain-Feingold
"stunningly stupid," and then chided McConnell for lacking "grace" in defeat. ... Hmmm.
When Sen. Moynihan made even more extreme pronouncements as he was losing
the welfare reform debate
in 1996 -- e.g. "those involved will take this
disgrace to the grave" -- I didn't notice anyone on PBS saying he
lacked "grace" (although, I admit, he didn't). Instead, as I remember it, Moynihan was
hailed as the conscience of the Senate and a possible
prophet. ... Seems to me if McConnell thinks the
bill is stupid he's allowed to say it's stupid. ...
(3/31)
Where's the Yent-a-matic when you need it? Famously right-wing
Clinton-basher Ann Coulter, in typical
extreme fashion, ridicules
McCain-Feingold's explicit special privilege for
the media. It's the conservative line ... except that in this case
famously non-right-wing Clinton-defender Michael Kinsley
agrees, making fun in his
own weekly column of McCain-Feingold's exemption of the media from its
proposed restrictions on speech. ...
Coulter and Kinsley, together again! ... If these two agree,
they must be right! ... O.K., that's specious, but the special
media exemption is
deeply embarrassing to the McCain-Feingold reformers. ...
Of the two columns, only Kinsley's has a prayer of convincing anyone
who's undecided. Coulter isn't preaching to the converted so
much as entertaining the converted. But her over-the-top
scorn is smart in its own way. ("At least if
the oil companies were granted a monopoly by the government the media would
report it.") ...
(3/30)
"I Know I'm Right," He Explained:
Could that possibly have been a defensive tone creeping into
the NYT's Tuesday editorial confronting the Senate passage of the
disastrous Wellstone Ban on "electioneering" ads by non-profit "advocacy" groups?
What the NYT might be defensive about is obvious -- the Wellstone Ban just
takes the logic of the Times's denunciation of "so-called issue ads" one
step further than the
McCain-Feingold bill (which it amended) does. Instead of regulating
and discouraging the ads, it apparently bans them.
The Times was
forced to concede
that Wellstone's amendment was "of questionable constitutionality." The paper
didn't bother to explain why the Wellstone Ban was unconstitutional if McCain-Feingold's restrictions were perfectly OK. Instead
of troubling its readers with arguments, it cited authority -- the
authority of some previous leaders of the ACLU, and the authority of ... itself:
This page, which has a record of vigilance on the First Amendment, is convinced that nothing in the core McCain-Feingold
bill, including its curbs on fund-raising for so-called issue ads by independent groups, would violate the Constitution.
It's nice the Times is convinced it's right! Now how
about convincing us?
The deeper problem, of course, is that at this point the Times doesn't
have a record
of "vigilance" regarding political speech. On the issue of campaign finance reform, the NYT has a record of simplistic and
reckless disregard of free speech concerns. A few weeks ago, for example, the
Times attacked President Bush because
he wants to protect the right of advocacy groups to raise unlimited money from special interests for their
own campaign ads.
These are not the words of an institution that is "vigilant" about protecting the First
Amendment, certainly not
the First Amendment rights of the associated, opinionated citizens
it derides as "advocacy groups." Maybe there is an argument
to be made about why such groups shouldn't be able, in a free country, to
raise as much money as they can from those who support their positions. But
the Times doesn't bother to
make those arguments either.
It's enough to utter the epithets "advocacy groups" and "special interests," and
to characterize the protection of those groups as "unacceptable"
and "dangerous," a "subterfuge" by those
who want "fake reforms to keep the corruption going."
This message was not lost on the 26 Democrats who voted
for Wellstone's "damaging amendment," as the NYT now calls it. Maybe those Democrats
were motivated by a geniuine disgust with
"special interest" politics; maybe they cynically wanted to protect
themselves from attack. Either way, did the
"vigilant" Times give them any reason to pause and think before
they banned political speech? Quite the opposite. Democratic politicians could be
quite sure that if they showed a moment's libertarian hesitancy in supporting
McCain-Feingold's restrictions on independent political ads, they would be
denounced by Editorial Page Editor Howell Raines' crew as "insidious" enemies of reform who want to "keep the corruption going." So when Wellstone
proposed his extra suppressive step, they may have figured, why not? Certainly
they'd have nothing
to fear from the
most powerful editorial page in the country. Now the Times ed page
want us to trust it -- after all, it's "convinced."
That's the trouble with Raines' strident, righteous,
Southern Liberal style of editorial argument, in which all issues are cast
as a civil-rights-like struggle of Good vs. Evil -- or, rather,
Good Men (non-racists, Raines) vs. Evil Men (racists, Mitch McConnell). It works
fine as long as the issue really is as good-versus-evilish as the civil rights struggle.
But when a shade of gray appears, the editorial page has no reasonable,
"they-have-a-point-but" style of argument to fall back on. Instead,
the Times personalizes the issue --
a bad man, McConnell supported the Wellstone Ban, so it must be wrong. Or
the Times appeals to its own
goodness, its own reasonable judgment. But of course it can't effectively call on us to
trust its reasonable judgment, since it has no record of
reasonable (much less conflicted or anguished) judgment for us to
draw upon.
We were told it was so simple. Now it seems to be complicated. Are we going
to trust the editorialists who told us it was simple to handle the complications?
(3/27)
Has Wellstone's clampdown killed campaign finance reform?
In a deeply disturbing major development, the Senate
appears to
have voted on Monday night to ban ads by non-profit "advocacy" groups (in addition to ads funded
by unions and corporations) within 30-60 days of an election (i.e. when it counts most). The amendment was sponsored by
Senator Paul Wellstone of Minnesota. It's hard to know where to
start, but here goes: 1) If a non-profit group, like the Sierra Club or
the National Organization for Women, which may be funded by thousands of small and medium-sized
contributions from ordinary,
concerned citizens, wants to run an ad saying Trent Lott is
on the wrong side of the issues, that's pretty
much the sort of thing that free political debate is all about, no? That debate becomes more
important, and more deserving
of protection, in the weeks leading up to an election. How did it happen that
a "progressive" like Wellstone has come to advocate the repression of
this sort of speech? 2) The reason to
oppose the Wellstone Ban is not that it
poses "a very
serious constitutional problem," as Democrat John Edwards put it -- it's not
that the damn Constitution is in the
way again. It's that the Constitution is right, and the amendment is
hostile to freedom. 3) Wellstone was joined
by Republican opponents of McCain-Feingold (e.g. McConnell) who may recognize the amendment as a
poison pill that will doom the bill in the
courts, if not the Congress. But the 26 Democrats who joined Wellstone
include Biden, Boxer, Cantwell,
Kerry, Murray and Torricelli. (The complete list of shame may currently
be found here. Look
for Wellstone
Amendment No. 145.)
4) Should Biden
really be ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee if he has
such feeble sympathy for the First Amendment?
5) This pretty much confirms
what Michael Barone
and many others (including Mary McGrory and kausfiles) have
charged regarding the motivation of the Senators. They don't seem to care
about banning soft money as much as they care about
protecting themselves from challenges they can't control. 6) McCain and
Feingold opposed the Wellstone Ban, but it serves them right, since they got the
Senate's self-pitying, self-protective anti-speech juices flowing
when they opened up the subject
of restricting "independent" ads (with their provision
to ban union and corporate ads and require cumbersome disclosure from everyone else).
7) It's not just that the Wellstone Ban will be struck down by the courts. It also
gives President
Bush clean, completely defensible and honorable grounds for vetoing the whole bill. Bush
can invite the ACLU to the veto ceremony in the Rose Garden.
(Is Michael Dukakis still a card-carrying member? Invite him too!) 8)
The Wellstone Ban's passage doesn't
doom the whole bill just yet. Votes like this are often reversed; the provision
can be dropped in conference or after
a veto. But a mighty groundswell of Web-driven outrage right now would be a good thing, regardless of what happens. You can contact Wellstone's
office here. ... Wait, is it 60 days before an
election? Is this legal? Do I have to register with the Federal Elections Commission? [Do you intend to influence
Wellstone's federal reelection?--ed. I can dream, can't I? ...]
(3/27)
Who's Cynical Now? USAT's estimable Walter Shapiro, writing
in The New Republic,
takes up against
knowing cynicism regarding campaign finance reform. You
know the cynical line: "money is like water,
it will just flow elsewhere," "the
law of unintended consequences," etc.. Shapiro argues that M-F's soft
money ban would have its biggest beneficial effect on the White House, not Congress.
Even if it meant that presidents go back
to giving fundraising dinners in auditoriums filled with $3,000 donors, that
will still be an improvement over Clinton's
intimate dinners with a handful of $100,000 donors, whose requests for
favors are not easily denied. (One caveat: a reliance on $3,000 donations means
power -- and favor-seeking
leverage -- will flow back to those networkers who
can aggregate hundreds of those smaller donors, as the late Duane Garrett did for several
Democratic candidates). ... What
Shapiro doesn't point out is
how the cynical "money is like water"
argument is used by the McCain-Feingold forces as well as those who
want no reform at all (i.e. Sen. Mitch McConnell). Specifically, cynicism is summoned up
to support M-F's overreaching attempt to stop
independent speech in the 30-60 days before elections -- after all, if you stop money
from flowing through the
"soft" loophole, it will just flow to independent speech, so we have to plug this
next leak in the dike too.
Some reasons for rejecting this cynical argument are offered in the item immediately below. I don't want to repeat them -- only to point out that
the pure, non-cynical, gee-let's-try-it-maybe-it-will-help position is
the kausfiles-approved "Semi-McCain" line: yes to the ban on soft money, no to the
restrictions on independent speech. ... This is a case where half a loaf is not
only better than no loaf -- it's also better than the whole loaf! ...
(3/27)
Why Is Half-a-Loaf Constitutional?
Why should it be unconstitutional to restrict independent speech but OK to restrict soft money
contributions? That's a good question, one raised by Michael Barone's
sophisticated
U.S.News column arguing that both measures
amount to "suppression of political speech." Technically
Barone's correct -- citizens can perfectly respectably
make their views known by giving money to a party or
candidate who'll do the actual speaking. But with money contributions
to parties, the likelihood of corruption is
maximized and the non-instrumental expressive interest in
speaking what's on
your mind is at least attenuated. With "independent ads," the situation
is reversed -- the chance
of corruption is attenuated (since the candidate may not entirely
like what you have to say) and the
expressive aspect of political speech is maximized. So let's draw the line between
these two situations. ... That's also where
the U.S. Supreme Court drew the line in its still-standing Buckley v.
Valeo precedent. (Not that we care what those unprincipled
election-deciding justices have to say
anymore!). ... Barone also claims that it's the clearly
unconstitutional independent-speech
restrictions Senators are most enthusiastic about. They're not
that crazy about the good, ban-soft-money half of the McCain loaf. ... We'll find
out soon enough. [You mean 'Only time will tell'--ed.] ...
(3/27)
Kausfiles feels your pain: Senior kausfiles executives sense
what other top media leaders have realized --
campaign finance reform bores the crap out of most people. That's
why Tim Russert has
to hype other topics ("Our issues
this Sunday: the debate over tax cuts ... health care ... the
environment ... and once again, kids killing kids") before
spending half of Meet the Press pushing for McCain-Feingold again. That's why the
updates on the Senate's M-F debate have
been drifting further and further into the nether regions of newspapers. ...
Memo to valued kf readers: Tough! Campaign finance
is the significant issue on the table right now, and the press is doing a really
bad job of covering
it. ...
The nub of the problem: (a) McCain-Feingold's "soft money" ban
is probably sound, but (b) its attempt to curb
"independent expenditures" probably will be (and, more important, should be)
held unconstitutional. If Congress includes a "nonseverability" clause, then
when (b) is struck down (a) will be voided too. So why not just
drop (b)? On Inside Washington, Newsweek's Evan Thomas explained why,
expressing the widely-held view that closing off "soft money" to parties
while allowing independent electioneering ads would
just push the big money into "uncontrollable" and "secretive" and
"unaccountable" independent campaigns. ... The first response to this is: Maybe,
maybe not. Let's try it
and see. Maybe some monied interests will be happy not
to be dunned by pols and will just keep their cash and stay on the sidelines. The
second response
is that if M-F backers really think it would be worse than the status quo
to have (a) without (b), then shouldn't they be for "nonseverability"? The third response is that yes,
politicians tend to hate independent expenditures precisely because they
are "uncontrollable" and often conflict with the preferred message of
the politicians' official consultants.
But precisely for this reason, independent ads might be
less corrupting -- if a candidate doesn't really want the
ads sponsored by interest group X, he's not going to be grateful
for the $100,000 Group X spent on the ads the way
he'd be grateful for $100,000 in soft money. The fourth response is: Tough! Free speech
is almost by definition uncontrollable and chaotic. Where in the Constitution does it say politicans have to have the only, or even
the loudest voices? The fifth response is that Congress has ways to make sure
parties have the dominant voice, by amplifying it -- through public
funding, or increased legal contribution limits -- rather than by muffling the competing
voices. There's some sort of ecological balance that has to be found. ... But the
silence of the mass of the
media about McCain-Feingold's anti-speech provisions is really pretty
shocking. Russert didn't even bring up the issue in his latest thinly-disguised issue ad. (Washington
Week in Review's presentation was also embarrassingly biased, characterizing independent expenditures as spending by
"outside groups" done "in the name of free speech." No, it is free speech!) ... In sum,
Thomas is being paranoid, like those who believe the Grassy Knoll theory! [Actually, a
peer-reviewed
scientist just
vindicated the
Grassy Knoll theory--ed.] ... Next week: Kids killing kids! ...
(3/26)
Today's campaign finance rantlet:
Mary McGrory
notes that
the primary impulse behind the Senate's overwhelming
approval of the Domenici amendment (which would give Senators
the ability to raise extra funds if they face rich, self-financed opponents) was fear.
The "night terror of
office holders" is "a super rich challenger," she notes. "Feeling sorry for themselves, feeling underpaid,
unappreciated and misunderstood," the Senators
decided to protect their jobs.
Isn't it pretty obvious that this same fear -- and not a reformer's zeal to
close a possible loophole in
the proposed "soft money" ban -- lies behind McCain and Feingold's
inclusion of the speech-suppressing Snowe-Jeffords provision (which restricts "independent" expenditures by
unions and corporations, and regulates them for everyone else)? ... Do McGrory's
self-pitying pols care whether they lose to "issue ads" that
are "coordinated" with their opponents or to ads that really are independently conceived? Do they care if the
ads that kill them are sponsored
by unions and corporations or sponsored by
grassroots citizen groups? Of course not. They
are (quite rationally) terrified of any ad campaign they
can't control. ... If Congress somehow establishes
the principle that "electioneering communications" within 30 or 60 days of
an election can be suppressed, will it stop at suppressing
union and corporate ads? Or
will it move on to banning ads by ... mega-rich individuals? Non-profit
organizations?
Anybody else? ... And if Snowe-Jeffords threatens the
whole reform because it may well be held
unconstitutional -- as today's righteous Raines
NYT editorial argues -- why
not protect the larger reform by dropping it? Because for some senators
preventing independent pre-election criticism is a primary
attraction of the bill. Without Snowe-Jeffords, the McCain-Feingold
bill would probably lose support. Or so its sponsors seem to think ...
(3/22)
Will only kausfiles praise John McCain? There's
something to Bradley Smith's complaint that the existing reporting requirements for independent
"express advocacy" ads -- already regulated by the Federal Elections Commission -- chill
free speech and political participation. College political clubs, for example,
can't spend more than $250 before they have to
register with the FEC and "start filing detailed reports."
Wasn't that the genius of Japanese "non-tariff barriers" -- the realization that
bureaucratic hassles and paperwork can be as deterring as
a flat out prohibition? Stuart
Taylor likewise argues that
McCain-Feingold's disclosure requirements for "independent"
political advertisers -- which would, he says,
require them to "set up unwieldy, separate, segregated funds" -- are burdensome
and probably should be unconstitutional. ...
But I don't
understand Taylor's argument
against a "soft money" ban. [Define soft money.mindy Unregulated
contributions to political parties.] We used to not
have soft money, and America was free. McCain's egocentric
self-righteousness is annoying, but
it's hard to deny his argument that unlimited contributions to official parties present a unique opportunity for both the purchase of
influence and the shaking down of
businesses by pols (just as unlimited contributions to candidates themselves,
now banned, once did). Taylor says if soft money were banned, "companies,
unions, and individuals
who want to be active in politics" would just "take their money elsewhere," funding the "so called issue advertisements."
But of course many companies, unions and individuals don't want to be active in politics;
they've simply been shaken down. If they aren't shaken down anymore,
they won't fund issue ads; they'll just save their money.
And what's
so terrible if some other, frustrated, givers do fund independent ads? Taylor says
it would "warp our political discourse." How can it
"warp" discourse, under the First Amendment, if individuals and organizations spend
their money to say what they want to say? (And isn't that McCain's argument for inhibiting them, which Taylor rejects?)
The problem, Taylor suggests, is that
they'll give money to "single-issue groups" like the NRA and Planned
Parenthood. But where's the evidence for this? Is General Electric
really going to pour millions into Planned Parenthood because it can't give money to the
Democrats? Isn't it more likely to fund a
broad-based ideological group that it agrees with, like the
Democratic Leadership Council, or some other umbrella group that pops up? If the proliferation
of such mock-parties leaves the official parties lacking
sufficient voice, party power can always be boosted either
by raising the party contribution limits, or through public financing, which
Taylor agrees "might be able to make our politics cleaner and fairer." Another
McCain-basher for socialized campaigning! ...
(3/21)
Turning Hagel on His Head:
Clearly, McCain-Feingold's restrictions on "independent" issue ads are its most
troubling provision. In this respect, conservative
anti-M/F lawyer James Bopp scores at least two points
in a recent
brief: 1) Even if M/F allows plain old
advocacy organizations like the NAACP or NRA are to
run ads mentioning candidates' names
within 60 days of an election, the bill still requires that they register
with the Federal Elections Committee and disclose donors. And even
this seemingly non-burdensome
requirement, Bopp notes, could have a chilling effect. For example, suppose the NAACP or NOW thinks
Rep. Bob Barr's position on some piece of pending last-minute legislation
restricting civil rights lawsuits is "divisive," even racist. If it
mentions Barr's name in an ad against the
legislation, and there's an election coming up, then
that's an "electioneering communication" under
M/F. Does that mean the NAACP has to file an FEC report? Worry about an
FEC investigation? Better to play it safe and not mention
Barr at all. ... 2) There may be a pretty good argument that M/F violates the
Equal Protection Clause by
explicitly giving owners of television stations unlimited
rights to broadcast campaign "editorials" and "commentary"
without the restrictions (e.g. disclosure) faced
by ordinary citizens and groups that don't own
television stations. The Supreme Court recently found
an Equal Protection violation in the disparate treatment of
hanging chad. Well, here's a case of explicity unequal treatment that
really matters -- giving some people speech rights others
don't have.
Why not just drop the "independent" advocacy restrictions, and
stick to M/F's ban on "soft money"
contributions to parties? It may well come to that. But presumably McCain
and Feingold stuck in the restrictions on "independent" groups because they worried that if
independents were free to advertise, but party
fundraising was restricted, then the independent actors would
control the debate, leaving the political parties and the
official campaigns sitting on the sidelines. One solution to this
problem is allowing some substantial, but limited,
soft-money contributions, as advocated by Sen. Hagel. But there's another solution:
public financing of campaigns. Independents may be able
to outraise parties, but they won't be able to
outraise the government. Perhaps a successful conservative attack on M/F's restrictions on independent ads will lead
Congress (in a Hagelian dialectic!) to recognize the virtues of the
ultimate liberal campaign reform scheme, public
financing. ...
(3/20)
Waverers will be shot! A desperate, bullying tone has crept into editorials supporting the
McCain-Feingold campaign finance
bill. Anyone with doubts about, say, the wisdom of restricting "independent," non-party
political expenditures is branded an enemy of reform, an ally of special interests, etc.
Exhibit A
is Monday's
WaPo editorial attacking
the idea of "nonseverability." Nonseverability means that if one part
of the reform legislation is struck down by the
courts, the whole bill becomes void. Such a provision, the Post says,
would be a "killer amendment" and "sneak attack" advocated by
"opponents of campaign finance reform." Voting
for nonseverability is really a "vote against reform." ... But why is it a killer amendment
unless parts of the bill are almost certain to
be struck down as unconstitutional? (Elsewhere in WaPo Charles
Lane explains why the ban on
"electioneering communications" by unions and corporations is the most likely to violate the
First Amendment.) ... But to WaPo's credit, its editorial page -- unlike Howell
Raines' NYT
page -- is unable to really sustain a tone
of thuggishly
righteous faux-populist orthodoxy. So the Post almost immediately admits
that proponents of "nonseverability" are appealing to a "real fear" -- the fear that the "soft money"
limits will be upheld while the the ban on independent expenditures is thrown out,
producing a "skewed" world "in which issue ads survive and flourish, while the party soft money, which
now provides some protection against such ads, disappears." The Post says
the proper response is to "fix the problem if it arises," because if the whole
law is voided "years may pass" before a new law can be enacted. But
why isn't it equally true that "years may pass" before
the "problem" of an imbalance can be fixed? The Post editorial seems to
be urging
Congress to firmly grasp one horn of a dilemma. ... Wouldn't a better response be to increase the allowable
donations to parties (maybe not to the $60,000 the Hagel bill provides) as a hedge, preserving the parties' ability
to get their message out in a world that may otherwise be dominated by "independent" expenditures? Oh,
I forgot! The NYT says
that such a sensible Hagelian hedge would be "absurdly weak"
and "dangerous," a "subterfuge" that would "institutionalize soft money"
and "preserve unbridled fund-raising," a "fake reform ... designed to
keep the corruption going and fool voters" into a "false consciousness that only serves the
enemies of the people." .... [You made up that 'false consciousness' bit, didn't you?--ed. But not the
rest.]
(3/19)
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